I am the First Accused. I hold a Bachelor's Degree in Arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May 1961. At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion made by the State in its opening that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did, both as an individual and as a leader of my people, because of my experience in South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of what any outsider might have said. In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and Bambata, Hintsa and Makana, Squngthi and Dalasile, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhune, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle. This is what has motivated me in all that I have done in relation to the charges made against me in this case. Having said this, I must deal immediately and at some length with the question of violence. Some of the things so far told to the Court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the Whites. I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto we Sizwe, and that I played a prominent role in its affairs until I was arrested in August 1962. In the statement which I am about to make I shall correct certain false impressions which have been created by State witnesses. Amongst other things, I will demonstrate that certain of the acts referred to in the evidence were not and could not have been committed by Umkhonto. I will also deal with the relationship between the African National Congress and Umkhonto, and with the part which I personally have played in the affairs of both organizations. I shall deal also with the part played by the Communist Party. In order to explain these matters properly, I will have to explain what Umkhonto set out to achieve; what methods it prescribed for the achievement of these objects, and why these methods were chosen. I will also have to explain how I became involved in the activities of these organizations. I deny that Umkhonto was responsible for a number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the organisation, and which have been charged in the indictment against us. I have already mentioned that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto. I, and the others who started the organization, did so for two reasons. Firstly, we believed that as a result of Government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable, and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalize and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would produce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not produced even by war. Secondly, we felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government. We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence. But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. We who formed Umkhonto were all members of the African National Congress, and had behind us the ANC tradition of non violence and negotiation as a means of solving political disputes. We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white. We did not want an interracial war, and tried to avoid it to the last minute. If the Court is in doubt about this, it will be seen that the whole history of our organization bears out what I have said, and what I will subsequently say, when I describe the tactics which Umkhonto decided to adopt. I want, therefore, to say something about the African National Congress. The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people which had been seriously curtailed by the South Africa Act, and which were then being threatened by the Native Land Act. For thirty seven years that is until 1949 it adhered strictly to a constitutional struggle. It put forward demands and resolutions; it sent delegations to the Government in the belief that African grievances could be settled through peaceful discussion and that Africans could advance gradually to full political rights. But White Governments remained unmoved, and the rights of Africans became less instead of becoming greater. In the words of my leader, Chief Luthuli, who became President of the ANC in 1952, and who was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize: "who will deny that thirty years of my life have been spent knocking in vain, patiently, moderately, and modestly at a closed and barred door? What have been the fruits of moderation? The past thirty years have seen the greatest number of laws restricting our rights and progress, until today we have reached a stage where we have almost no rights at all". Even after 1949, the ANC remained determined to avoid violence. At this time, however, there was a change from the strictly constitutional means of protest which had been employed in the past. The change was embodied in a decision which was taken to protest against apartheid legislation by peaceful, but unlawful, demonstrations against certain laws. Pursuant to this policy the ANC launched the Defiance Campaign, in which I was placed in charge of volunteers. This campaign was based on the principles of passive resistance. More than 8,500 people defied apartheid laws and went to jail. Yet there was not a single instance of violence in the course of this campaign on the part of any defier. I and nineteen colleagues were convicted for the role which we played in organizing the campaign, but our sentences were suspended mainly because the Judge found that discipline and non violence had been stressed throughout. This was the time when the volunteer section of the ANC was established, and when the word 'Amadelakufa' was first used: this was the time when the volunteers were asked to take a pledge to uphold certain principles. Evidence dealing with volunteers and their pledges has been introduced into this case, but completely out of context. The volunteers were not, and are not, the soldiers of a black army pledged to fight a civil war against the whites. They were, and are dedicated workers who are prepared to lead campaigns initiated by the ANC to distribute leaflets, to organize strikes, or do whatever the particular campaign required. They are called volunteers because they volunteer to face the penalties of imprisonment and whipping which are now prescribed by the legislature for such acts. During the Defiance Campaign, the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act were passed. These Statutes provided harsher penalties for offences committed by way of protests against laws. Despite this, the protests continued and the ANC adhered to its policy of non violence. In 1956, 156 leading members of the Congress Alliance, including myself, were arrested on a charge of high treason and charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. The non violent policy of the ANC was put in issue by the State, but when the Court gave judgement some five years later, it found that the ANC did not have a policy of violence. We were acquitted on all counts, which included a count that the ANC sought to set up a communist state in place of the existing regime. The Government has always sought to label all its opponents as communists. This allegation has been repeated in the present case, but as I will show, the ANC is not, and never has been, a communist organization. In 1960 there was the shooting at Sharpeville, which resulted in the proclamation of a state of emergency and the declaration of the ANC as an unlawful organization. My colleagues and I, after careful consideration, decided that we would not obey this decree. The African people were not part of the Government and did not make the laws by which they were governed. The ANC refused to dissolve, but instead went underground. We believed it was our duty to preserve this organization which had been built up with almost fifty years of unremitting toil. I have no doubt that no self respecting White political organization would disband itself if declared illegal by a government in which it had no say. In 1960 the Government held a referendum which led to the establishment of the Republic. Africans, who constituted approximately 70 per cent of the population of South Africa, were not entitled to vote, and were not even consulted about the proposed constitutional change. All of us were apprehensive of our future under the proposed White Republic, and a resolution was taken to hold an All In African Conference to call for a National Convention, and to organize mass demonstrations on the eve of the unwanted Republic, if the Government failed to call the Convention. The conference was attended by Africans of various political persuasions. I was the Secretary of the conference and undertook to be responsible for organizing the national stay at home which was subsequently called to coincide with the declaration of the Republic. As all strikes by Africans are illegal, the person organizing such a strike must avoid arrest. I was chosen to be this person, and consequently I had to leave my home and family and my practice and go into hiding to avoid arrest. The stay at home, in accordance with ANC policy, was to be a peaceful demonstration. Careful instructions were given to organizers and members to avoid any recourse to violence. The Government's answer was to introduce new and harsher laws, to mobilize its armed forces, and to send Saracens, armed vehicles, and soldiers into the townships in a massive show of force designed to intimidate the people. This was an indication that the Government had decided to rule by force alone, and this decision was a milestone on the road to Umkhonto. Some of this may appear irrelevant to this trial. In fact, I believe none of it is irrelevant because it will, I hope, enable the Court to appreciate the attitude eventually adopted by the various persons and bodies concerned in the National Liberation Movement. When I went to jail in 1962, the dominant idea was that loss of life should be avoided. I now know that this was still so in 1963. I must return to June 1961. What were we, the leaders of our people, to do? Were we to give in to the show of force and the implied threat against future action, or were we to fight it and, if so, how? We had no doubt that we had to continue the fight. Anything else would have been abject surrender. Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight. We of the ANC had always stood for a non racial democracy, and we shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart than they already were. But the hard facts were that fifty years of non violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights. It may not be easy for this Court to understand, but it is a fact that for a long time the people had been talking of violence of the day when they would fight the White man and win back their country and we, the leaders of the ANC, had nevertheless always prevailed upon them to avoid violence and to pursue peaceful methods. When some of us discussed this in May and June of 1961, it could not be denied that our policy to achieve a non racial State by non violence had achieved nothing, and that our followers were beginning to lose confidence in this policy and were developing disturbing ideas of terrorism. It must not be forgotten that by this time violence had, in fact, become a feature of the South African political scene. Thirty nine Africans died in these disturbances. In 1961 there had been riots in Warmbaths, and all this time the Transkei had been a seething mass of unrest. Each disturbance pointed clearly to the inevitable growth among Africans of the belief that violence was the only way out it showed that a Government which uses force to maintain its rule teaches the oppressed to use force to oppose it. Already small groups had arisen in the urban areas and were spontaneously making plans for violent forms of political struggle. There now arose a danger that these groups would adopt terrorism against Africans, as well as Whites, if not properly directed. Particularly disturbing was the type of violence engendered in places such as Zeerust, Sekhukhuniland, and Pondoland amongst Africans. It was increasingly taking the form, not of struggle against the Government though this is what prompted it but of civil strife amongst themselves, conducted in such a way that it could not hope to achieve anything other than a loss of life and bitterness. At the beginning of June 1961, after a long and anxious assessment of the South African situation, I, and some colleagues, came to the conclusion that as violence in this country was inevitable, it would be unrealistic and wrong for African leaders to continue preaching peace and non violence at a time when the Government met our peaceful demands with force. This conclusion was not easily arrived at. It was only when all else had failed, when all channels of peaceful protest had been barred to us, that the decision was made to embark on violent forms of political struggle, and to form Umkhonto we Sizwe. We did so not because we desired such a course, but solely because the Government had left us with no other choice. In the Manifesto of Umkhonto published on 16 December 1961, which is Exhibit AD, we said: "The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. We shall not submit and we have no choice but to hit back by all means in our power in defence of our people, our future, and our freedom". This was our feeling in June of 1961 when we decided to press for a change in the policy of the National Liberation Movement. I can only say that I felt morally obliged to do what I did. We who had taken this decision started to consult leaders of various organizations, including the ANC. I will not say whom we spoke to, or what they said, but I wish to deal with the role of the African National Congress in this phase of the struggle, and with the policy and objectives of Umkhonto we Sizwe. As far as the ANC was concerned, it formed a clear view which can be summarized as follows: It was a mass political organization with a political function to fulfil. Its members had joined on the express policy of non violence. Because of all this, it could not and would not undertake violence. This must be stressed. One cannot turn such a body into the small, closely knit organization required for sabotage. Nor would this be politically correct, because it would result in members ceasing to carry out this essential activity: political propaganda and organization. Nor was it permissible to change the whole nature of the organization. Women Nike Free Run 2 Stealth Black White ,Women Nike Free Run 3 Grainte Fireberry Sail Frbrry Men Nike Free Run 2 Green White Turquoise Men Nike Free Run 5.0+ Red White Women Nike Free Run 3 Grainte Fireberry Sail Frbrry Men Nike Free Run 2 Purple Gold White Men Nike Free Run 2 Green White Turquoise Men Nike Free Run 2 Blue White Grey Nike Roshe Run Men Grey Black New Green Women Nike Free Run 4.0 V2 Medium Purple Electric Green Volt Zach Randolph is enjoying a breakout season. Damon Stoudamire and Jeff McInnis have had their moments. Matt Carroll seems like a great kid. The Blazers rank 22nd in the NBA with 89.1 points per game. Going into tonight's home date with New Jersey, they have scored in triple figures twice in 14 games. They are shooting .433 from the field, which is above average, but only .317 on 3 pointers, below average. Even in today's offense challenged NBA, those aren't pretty numbersMaurice Cheeks says he doesn't worry about all that, as long as the opponent has fewer points at the end of a game. That wasn't the case Tuesday. Cheeks has never used a lot of set offense in his two plus seasons as coach, opting to allow his players to freelance off transition, pick and roll and post up opportunities. Now he is installing a motion offense that promotes player and ball movement. It didn't get the job done against the Wizards'The main thing is getting weak side action, getting everybody involved, moving and moving the ball,' veteran center Dale Davis says. 'When we do that, we are usually pretty good. When we just stand and try to post and pound it in and nobody is moving, our offense is stagnant. Sometimes, we are hesitating and thinking about things instead of just playing ball.' Randolph has been sensational as a starter, putting up All Star numbers (20.4 points and 11.4 rebounds a game) and eight double doublesBut Wallace, a career .503 shooter, is at .427 and is averaging 16.8 points, which would be his low since the 1999 2000 season. He's no longer the go to guy Randolph now ably carries that label but 'Sheed must keep defenses honest by scoring on post ups and from the perimeter. He had one basket, one rebound and three points Tuesday in 40 minutesAnd Bonzi Wells must work his way back into the good graces of Cheeks, who knows he needs the guard's scoring and forceful play. Wells is shooting .398 and averaging 13.2 points, hardly the All Star numbers he set as goals before the seasonWallace and Wells have to show up. If they don't, chances grow that for the first time in 22 years, Blazer players will be making vacation plans in late AprilDerek Anderson has begun water workouts and reports that the pain in his back diagnosed as a bulging disk has begun to subside. He hopes to be able to begin workouts with the team in the next couple of weeks and return to action before the end of the year. 'It's very frustrating,' the Portland guard says. 'Some days are good, some days are bad. Doctors say if it gets worse, it could require surgery, but I'm not doing anything to make it get worse. They told me it would take four to six weeks, but you never know.' Radio analyst Mike Rice, discussing Portland's problems on KXL's 'Courtside Monday Night': 'We have some cancers on the Blazers. They need to go. They are bad for our team. they don't have the character to really get after it and win on the road. It's easy when you have the crowd behind you at home.' Rice didn't identify who he thought the cancers are. He did say Antonio Daniels, allowed to leave as a free agent last summer, and Tracy Murray, released last week, were cancers to Portland's younger players. 'They were saying things like, 'We ought to be playing,' ' Rice said. 'You just can't have that kind of thing.'' Stoudamire says the Blazers miss the presence of Arvydas Sabonis more than Scottie Pippen. 'Pip's leadership was big, but we don't miss him as much as Sabas,' Stoudamire says. 'He was a passing big guy we could run our offense through. He was an asset.' In previous seasons, Portland has always carried three able bodied players on the injured list in addition to its 12 man roster. 'Now we have only 12 players, and we are playing and practicing every day,' Stoudamire says. 'Dale (Davis) and I were talking about that the other day. It's not like it used to be, where you could go to practice, work hard for 30 minutes and then tell a young cat to go in there and sub for you. There are no subs standing on the sideline anymore. You understand the situation and don't make a big deal about it, but it does mean a little bit of fatigue is involved. We just have to get used to it and fight through it.' Twice in a week against Miami and Washington the Blazers allowed a guard to drive the middle for an uncontested layup in the final 10 seconds with the game on the line. Poor man to man defense, yes, but where was the help? Women Nike Free Run 2 Stealth Black White,jump to contentmy subreddits limit my search to /r/TwoXChromosomesuse the following search parameters to narrow your results:see the search faq for details. Please follow reddiquette. Equanimity: No drama inducing crossposting of content found in other subreddits, or vice versa. Likewise, posts found to direct odious influxes here may be removed. [more] Grace: No tactless posts generalizing gender. We are a welcoming community. Rights of all genders are supported here. Relevance: Please submit content that is relevant to our experiences as women, for women, or about women. Images: No direct links to images, except on Image Fest Friday (IFF). To post an image during the week, do so within a self post and with some added context. Post all memes and rage comics to /r/TrollXChromosomes. I don think I have ever had a guy compliment me on my nails, except for the one time I had a Pittsburgh Steelers logo painted on my pinkies for the Superbowl. :D I don know about looking nice for anyone else besides me, I don think women look nice for other women in general. I mean, I have never head " Look at the skanky ho with her mint green nail polish and purple stripes, thinking she is miss thang."
Limited Time To Sale Women Nike Free Run 2 Stealth Black White,Nike Roshe Run Men Iguana Black HOUSTON, Feb. 3, 2011 /PRNewswire USNewswire/ Astronauts aboard the International Space Station this spring will conduct six experiments designed by middle school students from across the country. A team of representatives from NASA centers selected the winners from among 62 proposals. The experiments will study the effect of weightlessness on various subjects and show what the environment reveals about the laws of physics. "This is a wonderful opportunity for these students to learn how scientists and astronauts work together to develop new technologies for space exploration and to learn more about how things work on Earth," said Mark Severance, International Space Station National Laboratory Education projects manager at NASA's Johnson Space Center in Houston. "By engaging students in interesting science experiments, teachers can pique a child's interest while helping develop higher level thinking skills." The winning experiments came from students at these schools: Chabad Hebrew Academy in San Diego, for "Attracting Water Drops." This experiment will determine if a free floating water drop can be attracted to a static charged rubber exercise tube. Key Peninsula Middle School in Lakebay, Wash., for "Pondering the Pendulum." This experiment will examine the effects of microgravity on a pendulum. Potlatch Elementary in Potlatch, Idaho, for "Pepper Oil Surprise." This experiment will investigate the interaction of liquid pepper/oil and water in a plastic bag in microgravity. Gate of Heaven School in Dallas, Pa., for "Buoyancy in Space." This experiment will determine if the buoyancy of an object is affected in a microgravity environment. Will James Middle School in Billings, Mont., for "A Comparison of Dispersion of Liquid Pepper under Microgravity and Earth Conditions." This experiment will compare the dispersal of liquid pepper in microgravity to Earth's gravity. The apparatus for the experiments was constructed using the same materials as in a tool kit provided to astronauts on the space station. The materials in the kit are commonly found in the classroom and used for science demonstrations. The experiments will take no more than 30 minutes to set up, run and take down. Women Nike Free Run 2 Stealth Black White However, it becomes very important for them to choose safety footwear if their job involves using machinery or chemicals that may hurt the feet. There can be many situations that can cause accidents and injuries arising from electric charge, chemical spills etc. These come with special metal guards that are there to protect the toes in case any heavy machinery falls on the foot. The come with slip resist . 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